A Special Issue: Violence in Latin America and the Caribbean

A Special Issue: Violence in Latin America and the Caribbean Author: Ross Ryan Originally Published at Peace and Conflict Monitor on: 04/01/2012   In putting together this special collection of articles for the Peace and Conflict Monitor and highlighting the problem of violence in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) we are keenly aware of […]

Mexico’s “War on Drugs”: A Successful Strategy?

Researcher Pamela Huerta offers a nuanced review of Mexico’s anti-drug policy and untangles some of the many socio-economic, political, and institutional factors that have led to heightened levels of violence in the country. As the author demonstrates, the Mexican case sheds light on the larger questions of violence in the region and around the world, especially as they relate to highly profitable and illegal economic activities.

Record of Our Struggle: Atomic Bombing-Induced Illnesses and Class-Action Lawsuits

Kenji Urata, Vice-President of the International Association Of Lawyers Against Nuclear Arms (IALANA), reviews a recent publication that records the legal struggle of those who have suffered illnesses induced by exposure to atomic weapons. This article is an English translation of the original Japanese, published 2012 in the journal Law and Democracy.

Political transition in Mexico and the growth of corruption and violence

Recently, Mexico inaugurated a new president, Enrique Peña Nieto, on the 1st December 2012, who promised to boost the economy, and reduce organised crime. The return of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) after a 12 years absence has not been a welcome change for the whole population. Mass protests against Mexico’s new president have been organized, and dozens of protesters have been imprisoned for voicing their opposition.

The presence of the PRI in the Mexican presidency in 2012 is a complex phenomenon, which shows that the consolidation of democracy was incomplete, and the National Action Party, PAN, failed in leading the democratic transition.

In July of 2000, Mexico got a new President, coming from a different Political Party for the first time in 71 years of the ruling PRI. The arrival of the candidate of the PAN, Vicente Fox (2000-2006) to the Presidency marked a new moment in the history of the country. Fox was the result of a long political process, which was known as a Democratic Transition. Many expectations were opened not only in terms of Democratic practices among the political parties, institutions, and entrepreneurs, but also in hope to improve the quality of life of the millions of Mexicans that live in extreme poverty.

However, after a few months of Fox’s government, corruption and violence appeared in different parts of the country. Even, Fox would be involved in many scandals of corruption. Later in 2006, another candidate of the same party arrived to the presidency, Felipe Calderón Hinojosa (2006-July 2012) who also promised to accomplish the project of the Democratic Transition, and a few months after, he launched “the war against drugs”, deploying more than 50,000 troops, and since then more than 47,500 people have been killed. Violence, impunity, abuse of power and corruption in all institutions has flourished around the country: police, army, politicians, teachers and doctors have been connected with corruption and narco-trafficking. In this context, the following questions are raised: Why the change of the political party in power since 2000 did not end corruption, despite the campaigned promises of the National Action Party, PAN? Was it the lack of political will or structural reasons? Why do corruption and violence flourish in a country with more democracy in place? What is wrong with the democratic process that causes the increase of social instability and violence? This article attempts to explore these questions. As well as presenting a general picture of the backlash of the democratic transition with the return of the PRI to the presidency in July 2012 and the challenges of the new Mexican president to achieve a solid democratic consolidation.

The Perfect Storm: Impunity and Violence against Women in Guatemala

The high levels of violence in Central America are often experssed as gender-based violence against women. This article discusses the use of violence against women as a weapon of war, as well as its presistence long into times of “peace”. By adressing the problems of femicide, domestic violence, and other forms of brutality directed at women and girls, we can also address the culture of violence more generally, in Guatemala, and beyond.

Welcome to the Hotel Uvira: Such a Lovely Place…

Back from her most recent trip to the Congo, researcher Victoria Fontan shares her observations about the darker side of the peace industry in Kivu province. In a region where sexual violence is a prominent and ongoing issue, she provides a glimpse of how the UN Peacekeeping forces fuel a thriving underground sex industry.

Terrorism and Violence in Iraq

Majid Salih, formerly a field monitor for the world food programme in Iraq and currently a graduate student at the University for Peace, explains how his life, family, city, and country have been affected by terrorism and violence. Salih then addresses what he feels are the primary factors motivating terrorist acts and generates a complementary set of “solutions”. This analysis is meant to provide a basis for further research and reflection, and ultimately, to contribute to the reduction of terrorism and violence in Iraq and elsewhere, where enormous damage to life and social progress has already been felt.

Rising violence and insecurity as Kenya’s general elections approach

Diversity and conflicting interest are both a curse and a blessing in post-conflict and violent societies, subject to the way they are managed within an electoral process, more so during the transition period. Patrick Mugo Mugo looks at the unfolding challenges in Kenya as the date of general elections beckons (March 2013). Of particular concern is rising insecurity and violence that could end up determining who votes, and therefore who gets elected.